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Power, a new social analysis, by Bertrand Russell
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- Sales Rank: #1839168 in Books
- Published on: 1948
- Number of items: 1
- Binding: Hardcover
- 328 pages
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FOUCAULT WASN’T THE FIRST PHILOSOPHER TO WRITE ABOUT “POWER”
By Steven H Propp
Bertrand Arthur William Russell (1872-1970) was an influential British philosopher, logician, mathematician, and political activist. In 1950, he was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature, in recognition of his many books such as A History of Western Philosophy, The Problems of Philosophy, The Philosophy of Logical Atomism, The Analysis of Mind, Our Knowledge of the External World, Human Knowledge: Its Scope and Limits, Mysticism and Logic, etc.
[NOTE: page numbers below refer to the 315-page paperback edition.]
He wrote in the first chapter of this 1938 book, “Of the infinite desires of man, the chief are the desires for power and glory… As a rule, however, the easiest way to obtain glory is to obtain power; this is especially the case as regards the men who are active in relation to public events. The desire for glory, therefore, prompts, in the main, the same actions as are prompted by the desire for power, and the two motives may, for most practical purposes, be regarded as one… In the course of this book I shall be concerned to prove that the fundamental concept in social science is Power, in the same sense in which Energy is the fundament al concept in physics…” (Pg. 11-12) He continues, “Those whose love of power is not strong are unlikely to have much influence on the course of events. The men who cause social changes are, as a rule, men who strongly desire to do so. Love of power, therefore, is a characteristic of the men who are causally important.” (Pg. 14-15) He concludes, “I shall have, throughout, the twofold purpose of suggesting what I believe to be a more adequate analysis of social changes in general than that which has been taught … and of making the present and the probable near future more intelligible than it can be to those whose imaginations are dominated by the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.” (Pg. 15)
He explains, “Power may be defined as the production of intended effects. It is thus a quantitative concept: given two men with similar desires, if one achieves the desires that the other achieves, and also others, he has more power than the other. But there is no exact means of comparing the power of two men of whom one can achieve one group of desires, and another another… Nevertheless, it is easy to say, roughly, that A has more power than B, if A achieves many intended effects and B only a few.” (Pg. 35)
He states, “This brings us to a very necessary distinction, between traditional power and newly acquired power. Traditional power has on its side the force of habit; it does not have to justify itself at every moment… Moreover, it is almost invariably associated with religious or quasi-religious beliefs purporting to show that resistance is wicked… traditional power… is not on the lookout for traitors, and is likely to avoid much active political tyranny; on the other hand… the injustices to which holders of power are always prone have the sanction of immemorial custom…” (Pg. 38)
Of clerical power in the Middle Ages, he observes, “It was clear to ordinary men that, in a world of uncontrolled rapacity, licentiousness, and self-seeking, eminent dignitaries of the Church not infrequently lived for impersonal aims, to which they willingly subordinated their private fortune. In successive centuries men of impressive holiness---Hildebrand, St. Bernard, St. Francis---dazzled public opinion, and prevented the moral discredit that would otherwise have come from the misdeeds of others.” (Pg. 71)
He points out, “the modern-minded man holds, like Nero, that the guilt should be attributed, by means of manufactured evidence, to whatever party he personally dislikes. As regards such matters as free speech, he holds… that there should be freedom for his own party, but not for any other. The result of such doctrines is to transform all power, first, into revolutionary power, and then, by inevitable gradations, into naked power. This danger is imminent…” (Pg. 119)
He notes, “Thus the economic power of private persons depends on the decision of their government to employ its armed forces, if necessary, in accordance with a set of rules as to who shall be allowed access to land; while the economic power of governments depends in part upon their armed forces, and in part upon then respect of other governments for treaties and international law.” (Pg. 122)
He suggests, “A creed of sentiment of some kind is essential to social cohesion, but if it is to be a source of strength it must be genuinely and deeply felt by the great majority of the population, including a considerable percentage of those upon whom technical efficiency depends.” (Pg. 154)
He proposes, “So far from desiring uniformity of propaganda, [the philosopher] will advocate that, as far as possible, everybody should hear all sides of every question. Instead of different newspapers, each devoted to the interests of one party and encouraging the dogmatism of its readers, he will advocate a single newspaper, in which all parties are represented.” (Pg. 226)
He argues, “Power philosophies, when account is taken of their social consequences, are self-refuting. The belief that I am God, if no one shares it, leads to my being shut up; if others share it, it leads to war in which I probably perish. The cult of the hero produces a nation of cowards. Belief in pragmatism, if widespread, leads to the rule of naked force, which is unpleasant; therefore, by its own criterion, belief in pragmatism is false. If social life is to satisfy social desires, it must be based upon some philosophy not derived from the love of power.” (Pg. 261)
He concludes, “This is the task of a liberal education: to give a sense of the value of things other than domination, to help to create wise citizens of a free community, and through the combination of citizenship with liberty in individual creativeness to enable men to give to human life that splendor which some few have shown that it can achieve.” (Pg. 305)
This is one of Russell’s most important books of social philosophy, and will be of interest to students of his ideas, or of contemporary political philosophy.
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